Pete Hegseth Just Declared Victory in the Wrong War

On Wednesday, Pete Hegseth convened hundreds of the U.S. military’s junior officers and enlisted service members in a cavernous auditorium on a military base in Virginia to hear what he called the first of a new annual tradition—a “State of the Force” report to the troops from their self-styled “Secretary of War.” The key moment came when Hegseth, strutting across an American flag-swathed stage in one of his trademark too-tight TV-man’s suits, announced victory over the enemies whose defeat has been the signature focus of his tenure. “We are no longer the ‘woke’ department, or the ‘weak’ department,” he declared. “Simple translation of that? No fatties, no trannies, no beardos, no weirdos. No wimps, no radicals. Just warriors.”

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Listening to the address, you might be forgiven for thinking it was a live-action rerun of one of Hegseth’s old Fox News shows, complete with the vilification of bad guys you didn’t even really know were a problem. (Since when was the U.S. military ever the home of wimps and radicals?) But if the antagonists were a bit opaque, the message came through clearly: the only war that this secretary wants to prosecute is the one at home—against the forces of political correctness, against the military’s own generals, some ten per cent of whom Hegseth has already fired, with plans to dismiss ten per cent more, and, above all, against the “fake news,” which he accused of “treason” for accurately reporting the challenges imposed on U.S. forces by an actual war in the Middle East that went all but unmentioned in his nearly hourlong speech.

Hegseth’s main nod to the ongoing conflict with Iran, in fact, came when he asserted that the war, which the Trump Administration is currently asking Congress to provide tens of billions of emergency funding for, was both over and a roaring success “that every red-blooded American is proud of.”

His speech, it should also be noted, came on a day when the Pentagon announced that it had closed the last major U.S. military base in Iraq, thus ending the twenty-three-year, $1.7-trillion American presence there that began with George W. Bush’s ill-fated invasion in 2003—the last time a Republican President embarked on an unpopular war of choice in the region. This also was not mentioned. It wasn’t just the Middle East that Hegseth omitted, though. The entire rest of the world was also left out. As in, no China, no Russia, no Europe or Africa. In Donald Trump’s Pentagon, there are no geopolitics; only the divisive domestic politics of us versus them.

The New York Film Festival, Week Two: Loose Talk, Bold Action

The New York Film Festival is a feast of many parts, but its divisions are mainly symbolic. Such major festivals as those in Cannes, Berlin, and Venice are competitive; they offer prizes and make a distinction between movies in the main competition and those in other sections. Thus, the value judgments in those programming decisions have practical effects. The New York Film Festival is different: it was conceived as a “festival of festivals,” presenting movies that made their débuts at other festivals. The N.Y.F.F. also reliably features some world premières, but they’re nestled among a throng of movies already seen elsewhere. The festival’s parsing of films into its Main Slate and its other sections (principally Spotlight, Currents, and Revivals) is an unofficial consumer guide. The Main Slate is the prime showcase of what’s deemed best in the year of world cinema; the Spotlight offers what’s widely anticipated; and, in this year’s program guide, Dennis Lim, the festival’s artistic director, calls Currents “our home for films that push against the conventions of cinematic form.”

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As a result, it should come as no surprise that one of the best films of the festival (and of the year) is screening in Currents: “Red Rocks,” by the French filmmaker Bruno Dumont. He’s among the world’s great directors of children—from the tough North Sea adolescents in his political crime comedy “Li’l Quinquin” (2014) to the child Joan of Arc in his rock opera “Jeannette” (2017). But the most original work he has done with children is in this new film (which premièred at Cannes in May). “Red Rocks” is a high-tension melodrama, set mainly in a calm, gentrified town on the French Riviera, about two groups of idle youths who meet by chance and clash when a girl from one group and a boy from the other become romantically involved. The characters, like the actors who portray them, are somewhere between five and seven years old.

These are precocious, free-range kids. Géo (Kaylon Lancel), the short and cocky leader of one group—a pint-size James Cagney—tools around town on a quad bike with his two friends, Manon (Louise Podolski) and Rouben (Mohamed Coly). Manon and Géo are something of a couple, and Dumont delights in classic cinematic gestures of romance, as when Manon catches a lift with Rouben to a meeting place and then hops off his quad and onto Géo’s. The trio’s main amusement is jumping into the Mediterranean from the terrifying heights of the titular clifflike crags. That’s where they meet the other group of kids, two girls and a boy. Géo helps one of them, Eve (Kelsie Verdeilles), up a steep hill, and soon, when all six children are chased away from the rocks by police, she and he are walking hand in hand. She warns him, however, that she already has a boyfriend, the boy in her trio, called B (Alessandro Piquera), who’s tall, phlegmatic, glowering, and mortally jealous.

Inside Meta’s Efforts to Prevent School Shootings

arry Baimbridge spent thirty-one years with the Houston Police Department, including stints as a homicide detective and as commander of the SWAT team. In 2023, he took a job as chief of police for the Spring Branch Independent School District, most of which is within the city. The job was more low-key—no more shootouts with snipers—but it came with its own challenges. After the 2022 shooting in Uvalde, Texas, which left nineteen elementary-school students and two teachers dead, the state legislature had neglected to pass any meaningful restrictions on guns; instead, the state required that every school campus have an armed security officer. “Of course, they didn’t provide enough funding for it, but that was the mandate,” Baimbridge said.

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The Spring Branch district served thirty-one thousand students across forty-odd campuses—“a very wealthy area on one side of the freeway and a very poor area on the other side,” Baimbridge said. Late in the school year, on February 18, 2025, he got a phone call from Brian Ennesser, a supervisory special agent at the F.B.I.’s Houston field office. The two men had met the year before, when Ennesser formed a threat-mitigation task force, a group that specializes in disrupting targeted mass violence, including at schools. Baimbridge knew right away that something was up; Ennesser usually texted or e-mailed. “Hey, man, we’ve got a problem,” Ennesser said.

The F.B.I. had received a tip about a potential threat to a local school. It involved two teen-agers, one a student at Spring Branch, the other at a school district north of Houston. Both were girls. “Once we identified it being two females, we were double-checking our work,” Ennesser later told me.